These resolutions are non-binding and symbolic. Only the federal
government has the ability to reinstate the wall between commercial and
investment banking. The idea behind the resolutions, however, is to help
Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) put pressure on the rest of Washington by
demonstrating state-level anger over the lack of accountability for the
financial collapse. Warren, along with a bipartisan group of Senate
allies, is currently pushing a “21st century Glass-Steagall” bill aimed at limiting the ability of commercial banks to engage in risky speculation.
So far, Glass-Steagall resolutions have only passed in Maine and
South Dakota, the pairing of one very progressive and one very
conservative state reflecting the odd political alliance Cirilli finds
to be responsible for the rise of Glass-Steagall resolutions. Relatively
progressive Democrats furious about inequality and predatory banking
have joined up with libertarians angry about government bailouts to push
for a new commercial/investment division.
Whether reimposing Glass-Steagall restrictions could head off another
financial crisis is a complicated question. Arguably, the repeal of
Glass-Steagall opened the door
to a much broader range of financial speculation with a greater amount
of assets, creating the sort of concentrated and interlinked risk that
led to the domino collapse of banking institutions in 2008. Skeptics,
however, note
that the most significant 2008 collapses were either not commercial
banks or commercial banks that collapsed for reasons other than their
own investment banking department’s bets.
It’s also possible Glass-Steagall’s effects were less direct. Economist Joseph Stiglitz believes that the 1999 repeal changed
the corporate culture of commercial banks, causing them to think and
operate more like investment banks. This new culture led to riskier loan
practices of the sort that really did bring down the big banks.
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